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How is Gender Non-Normativity Othered in Medieval Art?

Updated: May 5

Figure 1: Marvels of the East, University of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 614, fol. 50v (12th century CE)
Fig. 2: The Hereford Map, or Mappa Mundi – ca. 1300, 12th century CE, reads: “A people of both sexes, unnatural in many ways.”


In this essay, I will be referencing Marvels of the East, Mappa Mundi, and The Book of John Mandeville as examples of how non-normative gender has been perceived within the pre-modern era. I will reference Pliny the Elder, Augustine, Duval, le Marcis, and Rykener in my analysis of these sources.

Let us begin by viewing some historical conceptions of the ‘hermaphrodite’. Bychowski writes that the label ‘hermaphrodite’ refers to the amalgamation of the Greco-Roman gods Hermes and Aphrodite.[1] Within this, Bychowski details how Christian writers may infer some form of Othering – for example, in Augustine this name may echo a sort of paganism, and in naming those gender non-normative beings, Augustine rejects them from Christian ‘correctness’. However, Augustine still names these ‘hermaphrodites’ as ‘children of God’; since God creates all things, and their existence is as righteous as all things He creates.[2] Augustine wrote on ‘hermaphrodites’: “they are rare […] it remains uncertain from which sex they take their name.” “For God,” Augustine goes on, “the Creator of all, knows where and when each thing ought to be.””[3] Another example of ‘hermaphrodite’ may be seen in Pliny the Elder’s The Natural History (77 AD). Pliny described ‘hermaphrodites’ as appearing “to partake the nature of both [male and female],” describing Nero ‘ostentatiously parading’ “hermaphrodite horses […] as if, indeed, it was so remarkably fine a sight to behold the ruler of the earth seated in a chariot drawn by monstrosities.”[4] This knowledge of the horses’ sex does beg the question – how could an audience see any visible ‘monstrosity’ in their genitalia, when a horse’s vagina is very neatly hidden from view? This depiction of ‘hermaphrodites’ as having specific physicalities is repeated over these sources: for example, in the Book of John Mandeville, ‘hermaphrodites’ are again described with dual genitalia: “beth people that beth bothe man and woman, and have members of bothe.”[5] It is important to regard that, beyond this physicality, those judging the ‘hermaphrodite’ consistently iterate the visibility of ‘hermaphrodites’ – the problematic nature of which we will go on to analyse later in this essay. For now, we have presented these aged definitions of the ‘hermaphrodite’.


Figure 1, in Marvels of the East, presents a picture of a ‘hermaphrodite’. DeVun refers to this figure as ‘nonbinary-sexed’, because ‘hermaphrodite’ is an historically offensive and mis-used term, though they recognise that this depiction regards intersex people also – which does not necessitate a non-binary existence.[6] DeVun moves on to argue that this ‘hermaphrodite’ figure is not only able to be read as intersex, but also as transgender – both people of which do not fit social norms of assigned binary gender (that I will name gender non-normative).[7] I would add that both categories are Othered (cordoned off from a violently dominant society) in similar ways, where authorities and society required them to prove their ‘true’, binary gender. We may see this requirement of proof in cases such as Eleanor Rykener and Marin le Marcis – though these Othering cases are all impacted differently, perhaps because of the changes in circumstances over time in society.

The Liber Monstrorum (Book of Monsters), produced in England ca. 7th or 8th century, defined the ‘hermaphrodite’ as having “a right breast like a man for performing work, and a left breast like a woman for nourishing children.”[8] The focus on labour performance may highlight, in its negation of labour, the work related definition of non-binary existence – that a non-binary person may labour like men, and also nourish children like women. Furthermore, as we may see in Figure 1: the importance of showing the dual-character of the ‘hermaphrodite’, taking much attention to depict the full breast, the vulva, the penis, and the flat breast – despite this impeding on the logic of these placements – puts importance to the utmost visibility of the ‘hermaphrodite’, together with the nakedness of the ‘monster’; though this may also symbolise a ‘bestial’ lack of ‘civilised’ existence. For example, that the ‘hermaphrodite’ is always visible, that they are naked for all to judge – where the ‘hermaphrodites’ that (though ignored) exist in ‘civilisation’ are clothed, hidden from view. This invisibility would require the viewer to acknowledge the possibility that someone’s genitalia is different from their own, or that someone’s genitalia is not what they think it is: but this would require the viewer to accept the existence of the ‘hermaphrodite’ as ‘normal’. ‘Normal’, because the viewer would be required to see the ‘hermaphrodite’ first as a clothed person, and then be prompted into viewing them differently: where ‘normality’ does not require a prompt to change thinking. Furthermore, when the ‘hermaphrodite’ is described in the same series as ‘monster’, (perhaps deriving from ‘monstrare’, meaning ‘to show’) we may analyse the importance of the symbolic and material visibility of how these ‘hermaphrodites’ are defined – and the possibility that medieval society regarded ‘monsters’ to be a sign from God.[9] This characterisation of the ‘hermaphrodite’ as a gender that is easy to see – that it has no variations in itself, and is not a series of uncategorisable forms of physicality – pushes the narrative that ‘hermaphrodites’ have a unity of being, that they are all in-common, and Other in this sense. This characterisation also proposes that there is a centrality to the ‘hermaphrodite’, and in this sense they are marginalised on the basis of their own unity – they are forced into this centrality as opposition to the ‘normal’ centrality.


We will now analyse how gendered ‘monstrosity’ (as we have established, ‘showing’ itself), may then therefore also ‘show itself’ in relation to geographic location.[10] The Mappa Mundi (figure 2) depicts the same interpretation of ‘hermaphroditism’ as figure 1 – half-‘man’, half-‘woman’ – naming them ‘unnatural’,[11] placing them distantly from Loca Santa, along an island to the right border of the map.[12] There are 54 Isles on the margins of Mappa Mundi.[13]This may demonstrate the importance of geography, or distance, in defining the ‘monstrous’ existence of non-binary people. DeVun places importance on the fact that ‘trans’-gender implies “mobility and boundary crossing”,[14] but we must first establish a solid link between the ideological and material space within gendered Othering. An Othering aspect of pilgrimage (by which we refer to the map, boundaries, and holy places (loca santa)) references these intersex bodies and ‘hermaphrodites’ as far away from the map’s central lands. In a word, gender non-normative bodies are placed far from the sanctified borders (loca santa) of the map – they are marginalised, literally on the margins, as far from Jerusalem as the map permits – and are exoticised as these beings to be seen rather than to see. History regards not just the analysis of ideologies in time, but also contemporary ideological aspects of space, and we may find that, in analysing the Mappa Mundi, a further alienation may be produced from the view of gender within Europe and outside of it.[15] “The here and now became sacred by marking other times and places as profane,”[16] which is to say: the existence of these loca santa requires places of opposition – those isles on the edges of the map that harbour the geographically, bodily, and ideologically segregated beings – in order to affirm itself as the ‘proper’, ‘normal’ situated land, despite the existence of God being in all places.[17]

This idea that ‘humans’ should not venture outside of set borders, for example the borders set out on Mappa Mundi, did not deny European travellers from their exploration – and on this point, both pilgrimages to and away from the Holy Land (Jerusalem), in the centre of the map, are of important note.[18] Bychowski iterates the positioning of Mappa Mundi: the “T in O” aspect, where the world (as O) is split into three; Africa, Europe, and Asia. Rome and Jerusalem reside within the centre of the O.[19] Bychowski goes on to analyse 14th century narratives of pilgrimage, naming The Book of John Mandeville and his writings on ‘hermaphrodites’. Their writings on the ‘Isle of Hermaphrodites’ comes into use when discussing contemporary analysis, certainly upon the gaze with which one may look at Mappa Mundi. “The brief encounter valorises intersexual bodies and lands as desirable yet also sets them in a distant island, separated from the rest of the world by a lack of shared history, culture, language, and commerce.”[20] The progression of Christian property, or occupation, moved towards purposefully-built ecclesiastical properties, casting a new form of Christian presence onto land and its people – a symbol of establishment, accomplishment, of the Christian Church itself.[21] Moreover, symbols of establishment extended to shrines and maps within the narrative of pilgrimage. These maps, such as Mappa Mundi, represented such shrines and areas of bordered territory (as well as bordered ideology, in its symbolic representations, which is the point of analysing these depictions of ‘monstrosity’ in Mappa Mundi) – that which we can see, bordering the ‘hermaphrodite’ on Mappa Mundi. Regarding that Mappa Mundi places the ‘hermaphrodite’ as distant to Europe, this importance to ‘space’ (as a rigid, owned area) might be recognised. The non-binary-gendered figures, ‘Othered’ as they perhaps were, are placed outside of the centre of the map – specifically along the right, near India - signifying, in spacial terms, their lack of involvement in European affairs, or being. This mapping of the ‘different’ positions ‘hermaphrodites’ as away from European civilisation, as if gender non-normativity were not possible in Europe. DeVun argues that literature regarding monsters “was escapist entertainment for European audiences,” and consequentially, this sorted “sexual practices into the proper and improper, and dividing bodily traits into the human and nonhuman.”[22] DeVun quotes Dana M. Oswald, that “gendered bodies of the monstrous both disrupt and reaffirm the social hierarchy: that is, monsters reveal and enforce the standards for appropriate human appearance and behaviour. They demonstrate the boundaries beyond which humans should not proceed.”[23] The idea of ‘boundaries beyond which humans should not proceed’ necessitates the idea that those outside of these boundaries are not human, or at the very least, that the humans who travel beyond these boundaries are at risk of danger – this danger, represented in the Mappa Mundi, would perhaps be the non-human entities such as the ‘hermaphrodites’.

In reflection of their positioning towards the central areas of the map, Rome and Jerusalem, Bychowski writes that ‘hermaphrodites’ were ‘desired’ – as foreign bodies that entertain the domestic mind.[24] In other words, locations on maps such as Mappa Mundi are both dictated by ideologies regarding who lives in said locations and who is confined to said locations because of said locations. They are marginalised in effort to differentiate between the edge of the world and the centre of the world. We may see this example as narrative in the Book of John Mandeville, as ‘hermaphrodites’, then, perform a role as ‘boundary stones (herma)’ at the edges of the world – for John Mandeville, the Mountains of Jerusalem reflect the opposite: the centre of the world.[25] Or, that ‘hermaphrodites’ would be the “children of Aphrodite, hyper-sexualised as untouchable,” as they are depicted on marginal islands.[26]Mandeville’s Book first depicts his pilgrimage from England to Jerusalem, then moves to a pilgrimage away from the Holy Land, eventually traversing the island of ‘hermaphrodites’.[27] This depiction of ‘hermaphrodites’ is featured in chapter thirteen, ‘Diversity of People and Countries’: being one fifth of the entire work, this singular chapter lumps whatever ‘diverse’ peoples into one singular category. As Bychowski succinctly writes, “at one point, Mandeville devotes one or two sentences isle […] as if he is running by them.”[28] England, and John Mandeville himself, lies under the astrological power of the moon – that which allows Mandeville to travel, according to his astrological ideology, where the ‘hermaphrodites’ cannot.[29] This further establishes the idea that ‘hermaphrodites’ residing on these marginal borders are somehow causally confined to themselves. Bychowski names this fetishisation of Mandeville ‘boundary-lust’.[30] Herma meaning ‘boundary-stone’, Aphrodite meaning ‘lust’, Bychowski joins them together to translate ‘hermaphrodite’ as ‘boundary-lust’.[31] ‘Hermaphrodites’ attract the patriarch away from loca santa, towards their marginalised sexuality.[32] Mappa Mundi seems “to present a view of all space in a single instantaneous now, where viewers are oriented to regard the centre of the world, and which represents lands of normate gender as opposed to intersex places on the margins.”[33] Mandeville concludes: ““Ther beth many other contrees and mervayles which Y have noght y-seye, and therfor Y can noght speke propurly of hem” (There are many countries and marvels I have not seen, therefore I can’t describe them correctly).”[34] Here we witness Mandeville’s assumption that he may speak properly of any of the ‘marvels’ he describes. Yet, he admits that he is unable to describe what he has not seen. Bychowski adds: “[Mandeville recognises that] he is limited in his ability to speak,” a reading which one may contest, as his certainty that he may ‘speak properly’ of anything than his own personal culture proposes a misunderstanding of his knowledge and representation of those Other than himself. He notes of no proper cultural or biological understanding of ‘hermaphrodites’ – he merely gazes at the Other, and tries nothing of understanding them, no exchange of agency takes place within his narrative.

We may infer from the above that the categorisation of ‘monstrosity’ in these ‘hermaphroditic’ figures proves that those who do not perform appropriately into the binary gender categorisations of ‘male’ or ‘female’ are to be social outcasts from the very offset of their non-binary existence. However, this narrative of disapproval produces somewhat of an anti-thesis towards the medical or intellectual writings of Medieval persons, such as Duval, Augustine, and Riolan. Not only were ‘hermaphodites’ accepted amongst some medical professionals in these epochs of history – but individuals such as Augustine and Pliny the Elder produced texts that provided these Medieval scholars (and ‘hermaphrodites’ themselves) with an historical basis to prove their ideas on the ‘naturality’ of gender non-normative existence. As Bychowski writes, “for the medieval mind, it was not the new and innovative that is trusted but the old and traditional,"[35] it was important for individuals to use archives or other historical documents, in whatever capacity, to prove their own existence and humanity towards institutions. We will now look towards contemporary case analysis to complicate the idea of gendered medieval Othering.


Socio-legal othering of the transgender (‘hermaphrodite’) in 12th Century England may be seen by looking towards the Eleanor Rykener case, wherein Rykener and John Britby were accused of sodomy.[36] In 1394, Eleanor Rykener and John Britby were found having sex on Soper’s Lane in London. Eleanor was born John Rykener, assigned male at birth, and the court took upon itself the task of trying Eleanor and John with sodomy. We see this case laid out in a 14th Century manuscript, importantly featuring Rykener’s own testimony[37] (London Metropolitan Archives’ Plea and Memoranda Roll A34, m.2)[38] – however, of course, the lack of relation to Rykener’s own dictation should remind us to remove her from this testimony. It is important, however, to recognise the ways in which Rykener performed her gender – one might see this as relying on labour to perform her gender, in a similar way that Liber Monstrorum and Pliny the Elder do to describe the ‘monstrous’ natures of ‘hermaphrodites’. Rykener wore women’s clothing, called herself Eleanor, worked as a tapster, an embroideress, and a sex worker.[39] The cultural ideologies of such, regard Eleanor as a woman, these labours requiring a ‘feminine’ body. It should be noted that the record itself describes her working as an embroideress, through Rykener’s own words – the suffix requires femininity to be attached to its label. The labour of a tapster was an opportunity for single women to access an income, and so Rykener may perform her gender in this capacity also.[40] Eleanor was not alone in accepting her gender, as it is recorded: a certain John Clerk had employed her as a tapster, a person named Anna ‘taught’ Rykener to have sex ‘as a woman’, and a certain Elizabeth Brouderer named her Eleanor and gave her women’s clothing.[41] Her ‘becoming-woman’ was a deliberate act. An interesting point of analysis, within the manuscript that records the case, is how Eleanor is often recorded as having these things done to her, rather than engaging in these acts with others on her own terms. This is important when viewing the lack of agency ‘sodomites’ have when being regarded by the law. It is always a gendered role: the person who is performing ‘masculinity’ in sex is the person with agency, where the ‘feminine’ merely tolerates it. Of course, Rykener and Britby have been analysed in such a way – yet Rykener demanded payment from Britby, and she permitted him on her own terms to have sex with her.[42] Rykener ‘negotiated’ sex from men in exchange for commodities – but did not ask for such things when engaging in sex with women – “including several nuns (“quampluribus monialibus”) and many other women (“quampluribus mulieribus”), married and otherwise.”[43] Yet, Britby was the first to recount the story that led to their arrest – his narrative was taken above Rykener’s.[44] It should be noted that, despite Eleanor naming herself into the archive, the scribe still names her ‘John’ – twenty-five times.[45] Britby does, however, speak of Rykener as a woman – whether this be to protect himself from the accusation of sodomy, or to support Rykener’s gender and her own accusation of sodomy.[46] This gender-performative-based Othering is not limited to the gender non-normative, however, as we can see in The Book of Margery Kempe (15th Century). We see how even the religious cisgender person (labelled a woman in record, but I do not have the ability to assume their gender) may be mocked for gender non-normative labour. Her labours as a woman are questioned, for she performs ‘masculine’ roles such as preaching,[47] and in response, upon describing her trial, the scribe dubs her a ‘creature’, questioning her faith as ‘a Christian or a Jew’, some saying ‘she was a good woman and others said not’.[48]

We may see this duality of genitalia (and its function) as situating the ‘hermaphrodite’ in ‘hyper-relationality’ – in opposition to ‘hyper-isolated’.[49] The ‘hermaphrodite’ is only implied to be isolated due to the isolated borders within which they are placed. Within relation to judicial cases – Rykener, le Marcis, de Cespedez, and so on – this isolation could be said to be reflected again in law. It may be important to note the placement of the non-binary figure, in legal circles, into prisons and exile. For example, in the case of Le Marin (1601), an imposition of ‘exile’ was prescribed in response to their gender transivity – though only for the four years afterwards in wait for him to become a legally independent adult.[50] Other cases, such as Elenx de Cespedez and Eleanor Rykener condemned their gender non-conforming citizens to execution after imprisonment and trial, which may gesture towards the illegality of their being-within the binary-gendered country. ‘Hermaphrodites’, such as within the Mappa Mundi, suggest to viewers that these isles are gender non-normative: but in doing so, the viewers are also invited to think that the ‘here’, the centre of the map, is gender normative and therefore harbours no ‘hermaphroditic’ bodies.[51] This condemnation of the gender non-normative to areas outside of society, whether that be living society or otherwise (Hell, or whatever place outside of life, where the ‘hermaphrodite’ could have autonomy), could signify the want of society, or its institutions – the Church, or the law – to designate the non-normative figure to an area outside of autonomy, or an area where they may be controlled. The gender non-normativity of these individuals cause their isolation, whether it be temporary as the law judges the validity of their gender or permanent. This reflects the issue that ‘normality’ or ‘civilisation’ has with regarding ‘hermaphrodites’ as within their own borders – the law must then shun them by accusing them of sodomy, sorcery, or whatever category they deem fit to de-humanise or detach ‘normal’ society from these gender non-normative beings. The dual character of the ‘hermaphrodite’ still re-ifies the gender normativity of others, much as the 54 isles re-ify the ‘centrality’ of the loca santa. DeVun points out that even ‘swinging’ between the stereotypical labour of men and women still re-affirms the gender binary.[52] The allocation of gendered border, the ‘hermaphrodite’, together with ideological alienation, creates an idea of them-over-there: resulting in a culture of alienation that not only places the Other into its ideological category, but also into a category of borders or space. This over-there creates a ‘spectre’ that haunts the us-over-here, though this haunting is created by the Othering itself, it distances the ‘normal’ from the ‘abnormal’ by inflicting the ‘haunt’ onto both parties – though to each regard in different ways. We might see this ‘haunting’ in Mandeville’s narrative that ‘hermaphrodites’ breed amongst themselves: "they gete children when they usen the mannes membres, and they bereth children when they use the membre of the womman."[53] This ‘haunting’ is used to exert power over others: by differentiating between the ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’, the ‘normate’ may practice its judgement over whomever it deems ‘abnormal’ – it may exert, for example, necropolitical power in order to satisfy its own gain: i.e., Mandeville’s suggestion that ‘hermaphrodites’ breed amongst themselves, and not others; or the Mappa Mundi’s situating of the ‘hermaphrodites’ within their own closeted boundaries, unable to breed with others and unable to interact with the rest of the world, therefore cordoned off from whatever life those ‘normal’ people may life: a form of ‘death’ towards ‘civilisation’, or ‘normality’.


Ultimately, Marvels of the East, Mappa Mundi, and The Book of John Mandeville reflect non-normative genders as ‘over-there’: Othered beings that are of a seperate ethnicity, beyond the sanctified borders of the loca santa. The writings of authors such as John Mandeville both rely on the depictions of located peoples and also influence them – whether that be through mere re-enforcement of these depictions or through literal means as sources for the cartographers/artists to create their pieces. The ‘hermaphrodites’ shown in the Marvels of the East and Mappa Mundi both align to the stereotypical bodies described in pre-modern literature, that of the duality of the ‘hermaphrodite’: both male and female, as if spliced together after being cut in half. This conclusively signifies the lack of knowledge and mythologisation of intersex and or otherwise gender non-normative people. Not only is it true that ‘hermaphrodites’ are pushed outside of ‘civilised’ borders – but they are also pushed outside of being understood as they exist themselves: the lack of agency with even being spoken with, rather than spoken to – or even being seen as they truly are – is recreated also in John Mandeville’s travels. His lack of engagement with the Others that he encounters indicate no improvement on the ignorance of ‘hermaphrodites’ as normal people, as he thus does nothing to combat the claims that the Marvels of the East or Mappa Mundi make.



[1] Gabrielle M. W. Bychowski, Trans Literature: Transgender Histories and Genres of Embodiment, Medieval and Post-Medieval (Columbia: George Washington University, 2017), p. 346. [2] Ibid., p. 346. [3] Ibid., p. 376. [4] Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, <http://www.perseus.t): Trans Literature. Transgender Histories and Genres of Embodiment, Medieval and Post-Medieval> [accessed 16 January 2022]. [5] Bychowski, Trans Literature, p.374. [6] Leah DeVun, ‘Mapping the Borders of Sex’, in Trans Historical: Gender Plurality Before the Modern, ed. by Greta LaFleur, Masha Raskolnikov, Anna Klosowska, (London: Cornell University Press, 2021) pp. 27–41 (p. 29). [7] Ibid., p. 29. [8] Ibid., p. 30. [9] Ibid., p. 32. [10] Ibid., p. 33. [11] Ibid. [12] Ibid. [13] Gabrielle M. W. Bychowski, ‘The Isle of Hermaphrodites: Disorienting the Place of Intersex in the Middle Ages’, in Postmedieval: A Journal of Medieval Cultural Studies, 9 (2018), 161–178 (p. 171). [14] DeVun, op. cit., p. 33. [15] Ibid. [16] Bychowski, The Isle, p. 167. [17] Ibid., p. 166. [18] Bychowski, Trans Literature, p. 78. [19] Ibid., p. 341. [20] Ibid., p. 331. [21] Ibid., p. 335. [22] DeVun, op. cit., p. 29. [23] Ibid., p. 29. [24] Bychowski, Trans Literature, p.337. [25] Ibid., p. 371. [26] Ibid., p. 372. [27] Gabrielle M. W. Bychowski, ‘The Isle of Hermaphrodites: Disorienting the Place of Intersex in the Middle Ages’, in Postmedieval: A Journal of Medieval Cultural Studies, 9 (2018), 161-178 (p. 170). [28] Ibid. [29] Ibid., p. 171. [30] Ibid., p. 162. [31] Ibid., p. 163. [32] Ibid. [33] Ibid., p. 162. [34] Bychowski, Trans Literature, p. 379. [35] Ibid., p. 384. [36] Gabrielle M. W. Bychowski, ‘The Transgender Turn: Eleanor Rykener Speaks Back’, in Trans Historical, pp. 95-109, (p. 103). [37] Kadin Henningsen, ‘”Calling [herself] Eleanor”: Gender Labor and Becoming a Woman in the Rykener Case’, Medieval Feminist Forum, 55 (2019), 249-66 (p. 249). [38] Bychowski, ‘The Transgender Turn’, p. 96. [39] Henningsen, op. cit., pp. 251-52. [40] Ibid. [41] Ibid., p. 252. [42] Bychowski, ‘The Transgender Turn’, p. 96. [43] Ibid., 106-7. [44] Ibid., p.102. [45] Ibid., p.104. [46] Ibid., p.103. [47] Joy Ellison and Nicholas Hoffman, ‘The Afterward: Sylvia Rivera and Marsha P. Johnson in the Medieval Imaginary’, in Medieval Feminist Forum, 55 (2019) 267-294, p.278. [48] Ibid., p. 277. [49] Bychowski, ‘Trans Literature’, p. 375. [50] Kathleen Perry Long, ‘The Case of Marin le Marcis’, in Trans Historical, pp. 68-94, (p. 68). [51] Bychowski, ‘The Isle’, p. 168. [52] DeVun, ‘Mapping’, p. 34. [53] Bychowski, ‘The Transgender Turn’, p. 372.



1.) Bychowski, Gabrielle M. W., ‘The Isle of Hermaphrodites: Disorienting the Place of Intersex in the Middle Ages’, in Postmedieval: A Journal of Medieval Cultural Studies, 9 (2018), 161–178.

2.) Bychowski, Gabrielle M. W., ‘The Transgender Turn: Eleanor Rykener Speaks Back’, in Trans Historical: Gender Plurality Before the Modern, ed. by Greta LaFleur, Masha Raskolnikov, Anna Klosowska, (London: Cornell University Press, 2021), pp. 95–109.

3.) Bychowski, Gabrielle M. W., Trans Literature: Transgender Histories and Genres of Embodiment, Medieval and Post-Medieval (Colombia: George Washington University, 2017).

4.) DeVun, Leah, ‘Mapping the Borders of Sex’, Trans Historical: Gender Plurality Before the Modern, ed. by Greta LaFLeur, Masha Raskolnikov, and Anna Klosowska (London: Cornell University Press, 2021), pp. 27-41.

5.) N/A, Virtual Mappa 2.0, <> [accessed 16 January 2022].

6.) Gutt, Blake, ‘Medieval Trans Lives in Anamorphosis: Looking Back and Seeing Differently, Pregnant Men and Backward Birth’, in Medieval Feminist Forum, 55 (2019), 174–206.

7.) Long, Kathleen Perry, ‘The Case of Marin le Marcis’, in Trans Historical: Gender Plurality Before the Modern, ed. by Greta LaFleur, Masha Raskolnikov, Anna Klosowska, (London: Cornell University Press, 2021), pp. 68-94.

8.) Henningsen, Kadin (2019): "Calling [herself] Eleanor": Gender Labor and Becoming a Woman in the Rykener Case. In Medieval Feminist Forum 55 (1), pp. 246–266.

9.) Joy Ellison and Nicholas Hoffman, ‘The Afterward: Sylvia Rivera and Marsha P. Johnson in the Medieval Imaginary’, in Medieval Feminist Forum, 55 (2019), 267-294.

10.) Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, < > [accessed 16 January 2022].


Suggested citation: McHale, Emil-Dorian, 'How is Gender Non-Normativity Othered in Medieval Art?' (Trans_Muted, 2022) <URL> [Accessed ....]


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